Tag: culture

  • What is ‘culture’ and how does it affect behaviour?

    If you ask your students what ‘culture’ means, you will likely get responses relating to food, festivals, and flags. And languages. Those things are not wrong, but they barely scratch the surface of what we mean when we talk about culture as a determinant of behaviour. For IB Psychology purposes, culture is best understood as the shared set of values, beliefs, norms, and practices transmitted across generations within a social group that shapes how its members think, feel, and behave and through which individuals come to understand who they are, what is important, and how to behave. Culture is not decoration on top of a universal human psychology; it is, in significant ways, constitutive of psychology.

    Culture is the shared set of values, beliefs, norms, and practices transmitted across generations within a social group that shapes how its members think, feel, and behave.

    How culture shapes behaviour

    The simplest way to understand culture’s effect on behaviour is through the individualism–collectivism dimension. Individualistic cultures, prevalent in Western Europe and North America, prioritise personal goals, autonomous self-expression, and individual achievement. Collectivistic cultures, prevalent across East and South Asia, the Pacific, sub-Saharan Africa, and Latin America, prioritise group harmony, obligations and responsibilities, and collective identity. These are not merely different surface preferences; they generate objectively different cognitive styles, emotional profiles, and behavioural patterns.

    Consider self-enhancement, which is the tendency to evaluate oneself positively. It is one of the most robust findings in Western social psychology, so robust that some researchers once proposed it was a universal human motivator, but cross-cultural research refuted this claim: East Asian participants show significantly less self-enhancement than Western participants, and in many cases show self-criticism that Western frameworks would classify as negative behaviour, but which, in collectivistic cultural contexts, reflects the socially adaptive motive to improve the self for the benefit of the group. The same behaviour has opposite meaning in different cultures. This is why culture matters for psychology: it does not merely add content to universal processes; it shapes the processes themselves.

    Culture also shapes how children learn as demonstrated by a study from rural Samoa:

    Odden and Rochat (1999): Learning by watching

    In 1999, Heather Odden and Philippe Rochat conducted a longitudinal, overt observational study in a rural Samoan village that provides a vivid illustration of how cultural context shapes learning through observation. The researchers were interested in how Samoan children acquire the complex knowledge and skills of their community such as weaving, fishing, food preparation, and ceremonial practices, given that explicit teaching, in the Western sense, is relatively rare in traditional Samoan village life.

    The study found that Samoan children learned predominantly through keen, sustained observation of adult community members going about their everyday activities. Children would watch quietly and attentively from the periphery, sometimes for extended periods, before attempting to replicate observed behaviours. Crucially, this was not passive watching; it was purposeful, concentrated, and socially sanctioned. The cultural norm in the village supported what Odden and Rochat termed ‘intent community participation’. The children were included in community life as legitimate, observing participants, before they were capable of full participation.

    This contrasts with the Western educational norm: learning is usually structured as explicit verbal transmission from teacher to student in a dedicated instructional setting, and where watching without doing is often treated as insufficient engagement. In the Samoan village, the community itself was the classroom, adult practice was the curriculum, and attentive observation was the primary pedagogy.

    Odden and Rochat (1999) supports Bandura’s Social Learning Theory, specifically its core claim that observational learning is a primary mechanism of human behavioural acquisition. But it extends Bandura’s laboratory findings into a rich naturalistic cultural context, showing that the conditions under which observational learning is most effective are themselves culturally structured. The Samoan children were not simply watching by accident; they were participating in a culturally organised system of knowledge transmission in which observation was valued, modelled by older children, and embedded in genuine community practice.

    The classroom implication

    For DP Psychology teachers, Odden and Rochat (1999) is useful on several levels. It provides a real-world illustration of observational learning outside the laboratory. It demonstrates that what counts as ‘learning’ and what constitutes a good ‘learner’, is culturally defined. And it challenges students to examine the cultural assumptions embedded in their own educational experience: the emphasis on verbal explanation, individual assessment, and explicit instruction that characterises Western schooling is not a universal delivery mechanism for human learning; it is one culturally specific solution to the universal challenge of transmitting knowledge across generations.

    NOTE: Research studies are still relevant for teaching IBDP Psychology, but they are NOT required to be used in any exam questions/exam responses.


  • The role of Culture in behaviour (HL topic)

    Most people assume there’s a universal way humans experience identity, i.e. their sense of self. Research has shown that culture fundamentally shapes how people construct their sense of self, i.e. their identity; and this plays a role in our behaviour including our emotions and motivations.

    In 1991, Hazel Markus and Shinobu Kitayama published ‘Culture and the Self: Implications for Cognition, Emotion, and Motivation’, a paper that challenged the prevailing understanding of culture’s role in behaviour. The paper proposed that culture fosters one of two ways of experiencing identity and called these independent and interdependent self-construal.

    The theory proposes that in cultures emphasising independent self-construal, i.e. ‘Western’ societies such as the US, people consider themselves as autonomous individuals so that the sense of self is defined by internal attributes such personality traits, abilities, and personal achievements. Success means to stand out, to be unique, and to pursue and achieve individual goals. ‘Being true to yourself’ is a core value in these cultures.

    In cultures that emphasise interdependent self-construal, common in ‘the East’, many collectivist societies consider the self as one of many, i.e. connected to others rather than independent and autonomous. A person considers their identity through social relationships, roles, and group memberships. Succeeding in this culture means maintaining harmony, fulfilling obligations, and fitting harmoniously into social contexts. The question is not ‘who am I?’, rather it is ‘who are we, who am I in relation to others?’

    Self-Construal Theory is compelling because of empirical evidence supporting it. For example, in 1989, psychologist Susan Cousins used the Twenty Statements Test, asking American and Japanese participants to complete sentences beginning with ‘I am…’ Americans predominantly used abstract personal traits, such as ‘I am creative’, ‘I am independent’, but Japanese participants offered context-dependent descriptions tied to relationships and situations, such as ‘I am a daughter who helps her mother’.

    Self-Construal Theory’s predictions extend beyond self-description to behaviour. Heine et al. (1999) demonstrated striking motivational differences. After receiving failure feedback on a task, Canadian students persisted less on subsequent attempts, protecting their self-esteem, but Japanese students persisted, motivated by opportunities for self-improvement rather than self-protection.

    Self-construal can shape everyday behaviours. For example, in consumer behaviour, Americans are more likely to purchase products that emphasise uniqueness and self-expression: ‘Be yourself’ or ‘Stand out from the crowd’ and East Asian advertising emphasises belonging and harmony such as ‘Share happiness with those you love’. Westerners typically prefer items that differ from what others have chosen, demonstrating uniqueness. East Asians tend to prefer popular choices that others have validated, reducing social disharmony.

    Communication patterns often reflect different self-construals. Americans tend toward direct, explicit communication; saying ‘no’ is valued as honest and authentic, but in Japanese communication indirect expressions and contextual cues are used to avoid upsetting group harmony, saying ‘that might be difficult’ rather than ‘no’. These aren’t politeness conventions; they reflect different perceptions of appropriate self-expression.

    Even emotional expression follows self-construal patterns. Tsai et al. (2006) found that European Americans valued high-arousal positive emotions like excitement and enthusiasm, which signal individual achievement and expression, but Hong Kong Chinese valued low-arousal positive emotions like calm and peacefulness, which facilitate harmonious social functioning. Facebook profile pictures reflect this: Americans smile more broadly with teeth showing (expressing individual happiness). East Asians smile more subtly with closed mouths (maintaining social appropriateness).

    American students typically feel comfortable speaking up in class, asking questions, and debating with teachers. These behaviours demonstrate critical thinking and individual voice. East Asian students typically remain quiet, not from lack of engagement but from respect for the teacher’s authority, believing that speaking out might disrupt the collective learning environment or risk making others feel uncomfortable.

    Kitayama’s own research showed that Americans consistently rate themselves above average on various attributes (sometimes referred to as the self-enhancement bias; Japanese participants showed self-criticism, honestly acknowledging weaknesses as areas for personal growth. These aren’t just cultural politeness norms. They reflect different motivational systems shaped by self-construal.

    Perhaps most fascinating, self-construal seems to affect people’s perception and attention. Masuda and Nisbett (2001) showed participants animated underwater scenes. American participants fixated on prominent focal objects like large fish, but Japanese participants focused more on more global/background elements and the relationships between the objects in the scene. This didn’t seem to be about visual acuity; it indicated culturally-shaped patterns of attention and focus.

    Even memory seems to be culturally constructed. Wang (2001) found that Chinese children’s autobiographical memories emphasised collective activities and social interactions and American children’s memories focused on individual experiences and individual attributes indicating that we remember our lives through cultural filters.

    Many parenting practices show self-construal in action. American parents often ask children ‘What do YOU want?’ and ‘How do YOU feel?’ emphasising individual preferences and internal states. East Asian parents more commonly ask ‘What should we do?’ or reference social obligations, for example ‘What would grandmother think?’ These small linguistic differences shape how children learn to think about themselves in relation to others.

    Workplace behaviour can demonstrate self-construal differences. In Western organisations, employees are encouraged to promote their achievements, with annual reviews asking, ‘What are YOUR accomplishments?’ and ‘What makes YOU stand out?’ In Eastern companies, employees often deflect individual credit, attributing success to team effort or organisational support. When Americans receive praise, they typically accept it directly, for example. ‘Thank you, I worked hard on that’. Asian recipients more commonly deflect or minimise: ‘No, it was nothing special’ or ‘I was fortunate to have good colleagues’.

    Zhu et al (2007) used brain imaging to show that Chinese participants demonstrated similar neural activation patterns when thinking about themselves and their mothers, but Western participants distinguished clearly between thinking about themselves and thinking about their mothers, showing different neural activation for each. Culture doesn’t seem to just affect our self-perception and memory; it also seems to shape the neural architecture underlying self-representation.

    Self-Construal Theory helps explain why shame is more significant in some cultures and guilt is significant in other cultures, and why self-help movements flourish more in individualist than collectivist societies, and why collaborative decision-making processes are more effective in some cultures and less effective in other cultures.

    Critics of Self-Construal Theory argue that it creates a false dichotomy, overlooking within-culture variations and individual differences. For example, not all Westerners are independent and not all Asians are interdependent. Modern research suggests that many people develop bicultural competence, meaning they can shift between self-construals depending on the cultural context.

    Markus and Kitayama’s Self-Construal Theory remains important for understanding the role of culture in behaviour by demonstrating that culture is not merely superficial customs and traditions. It can shape behaviour from perception and memory to emotion and motivation. People’s sense of self is not universal; it is profoundly cultural and understanding this helps us appreciate human diversity while recognising the mechanisms underlying cultural differences.


  • The Role of Culture in the Context of Human Development

    Here is a brand-new worksheet for the Human Development Context based on an article published yesterday on the BBC website about the hidden brain changes in six-year-olds. This resource helps HL students discuss the role of culture in human development as well as the Concepts of Bias, Perspective, and Responsibility.

    It’s ideal preparation for answering Paper 3, Question 4.


  • Discuss the role of Culture in human behaviour (HL)

    In Psychology, culture means the values, beliefs, norms, behaviours, and practices shared by a group of people. Culture influences how we think, communicate, behave, and perceive the world around us.

    The Carpentered World Hypothesis states that exposure to straight lines and right angles in architecture affects visual perception (a cognitive process).

    The worksheet (below), summarises an article in The Guardian relating the role of Culture in Perception. The worksheet guides students to think about and discuss the role of Culture in the Learning and Cognition Context, linking to the Concept of Perspective.